Over the past decades there have been numerous high-profile cases of U.S. judges abusing their authority – from imposing unduly harsh sentences on Black and Brown defendants, to outright corruption such as accepting bribes. These cases span many states and courts. For example, U.S. District Judge Stephen J. Murphy III (Eastern District of Michigan) was publicly rebuked in 2023 by a federal appeals court for a racist remark (“This guy looks like a criminal”) in a Detroit drug trial. The 6th Circuit overturned the defendant’s 10½-year sentence and ordered a retrial, citing the judge’s “unacceptable” bias. In Texas, Judge Edith Jones of the 5th Circuit (Federal appeals, based in New Orleans) faced a 2013 misconduct complaint after she publicly claimed that African Americans and Hispanics are “predisposed to crime.” Civil‐rights groups accused Jones of “violat[ing] judicial codes of conduct” by making such remarks. Although she was neither criminally charged nor removed, the complaint underscored the perception of bias at the bench.
More recent examples include Oakland County (Michigan) Probate Judge Kathleen Ryan (2024), who was suspended from her docket after recordings surfaced of her using homophobic and anti-Black slurs (calling Black people “lazy”). In Alabama, Talladega County Probate Judge Randy Jinks was removed in 2021 after multiple witnesses testified, he had made “racist and racially insensitive comments,” including referencing George Floyd as a “thug,” in addition to sexist remarks and misconduct. A similar fate befell Colorado 18th District Judge Natalie Chase, who in 2021 admitted using the N-word several times and proclaiming “all lives matter” when speaking with Black colleagues; the Colorado Supreme Court censured her, and she resigned. In Louisiana, Judge Jessie LeBlanc (23rd JDC) came under fire in 2020 when she admitted sending text messages using the N-word to describe Black sheriff’s deputies and court staff; Governor Edwards publicly demanded her resignation.
Beyond remarks, there have been cases of actual sentencing abuse. For example, Kids for Cash (Luzerne County, PA) was a notorious “zero tolerance” scandal: Judges Mark Ciavarella and Michael Conahan (2008–09) accepted $2.8 million in kickbacks from a private juvenile detention operator to send children (including first-time offenders as young as eight) to for-profit youth prisons. Both judges were later convicted and sentenced to decades in prison (Ciavarella: 28 years; Conahan: ~17 years) for racketeering and fraud. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court ultimately vacated over 4,000 convictions imposed under these judges, recognizing it as “one of the worst judicial scandals in U.S. history.”
Equally egregious was Operation Greylord in Illinois (1980s), a massive FBI sting in Cook County courts. In that case, 93 people were indicted (including 17 judges) for accepting bribes or influence, with 15 judges ultimately convicted. The sentences were severe: for example, Judge Thomas J. Maloney was sentenced to 16 years for fixing murder trials, and Judge Reginald Holzer received 18 years for accepting over $200,000 in bribes. These cases exposed entrenched corruption in the judicial system.
Other judges have faced criminal charges for unrelated corruption. U.S. DOJ press releases describe several in recent years: e.g., Texas State Judge Rodolfo “Rudy” Delgado (2019) – convicted of bribery and obstruction for steering cases in return for bribe money. Judge Angus Kelly McGinty (Bexar County, TX, 2015) pleaded guilty to honest-services fraud for taking bribes (delivered in six-packs of beer) from attorneys in exchange for favorable rulings. Arkansas Judge O. Joseph Boeckmann (2016 indictment, 2018 sentencing) admitted dismissing cases “in exchange for personal benefits” (photographs, sexual favors) and witness tampering. And in 2023 Arkansas Judge Thomas David Carruth was indicted for soliciting sex from a defendant’s girlfriend in exchange for expediting that case. (Carruth is awaiting trial.)
The table below summarizes known cases by state/year, with allegations and outcomes:
| State | Year | Judge(s) | Allegations/Nature of Misconduct | Outcome |
| Michigan | 2023 | Stephen J. Murphy III (U.S. Dist.) | Made racist criminal remark; biased sentencing | Conviction overturned (defendant retrial) |
| Michigan | 2024 | Kathleen Ryan (Probate) | Used anti-Black and homophobic slurs in private calls | Removed from docket (suspended pending review) |
| Alabama | 2021 | Randy Jinks (Probate) | Multiple racist/sexist remarks, misconduct in office | Removed from office (Alabama Supreme Court) |
| Colorado | 2021 | Natalie T. Chase (District) | Repeated N-word use, all lives matter remarks | Censured by Supreme Court; resigned |
| Pennsylvania | 2009 | Mark Ciavarella, Michael Conahan (Juvenile Court) | Sentenced youth to prison for kickbacks (Kids for Cash) | Convicted of racketeering; Ciavarella 28 yrs, Conahan ~17 yrs |
| Pennsylvania | 2020 | Mark Tranquilli (Allegheny Co.) | Multiple racist remarks (called Black juror Aunt Jemima etc.) | Resigned before misconduct hearing; barred from bench |
| Louisiana | 2020 | Jessie LeBlanc (23rd JDC) | Admitted using N-word for Black deputies in text | Pressured to resign by governor |
| Louisiana | 2021 | Michelle Odinet (Lafayette City Court) | Caught on video using N-word with family | Disqualified from hearing cases; effectively ousted |
| California | 2003 | Bruce Van Voorhis (Contra Costa Co.) | Racist remarks (lose the accent) | Removed by Judicial Commission (2003) |
| Illinois | 1980s | Cook Co. Judges (Greylord) | Judicial bribery rackets | 17 judges indicted, 15 convicted: heavy prison terms |
| Texas | 2019 | Rodolfo Rudy Delgado (State Dist.) | Took bribes for favorable rulings | Convicted of bribery & obstruction (June 2019) |
| Texas | 2015 | Angus K. McGinty (State Dist.) | Accepted bribes hidden in six-pack cases | Pleaded guilty to honest-services fraud (April 2015) |
| Texas (5th Cir.) | 2013 | Edith Jones (Fed. Cir. Court) | Publicly said minorities are predisposed to crime | Misconduct complaint filed (pending) |
| Arkansas | 2016“18 | O. Joseph Boeckmann (State Dist.) | Dismissed cases in exchange for sexual favors & photo ops | Pleaded guilty (2017); sentenced to 5 years |
| Arkansas | 2023 | Thomas D. Carruth (State Dist.) | Solicited sex for case-advancement | Indicted (Mar 2023); awaiting trial |
| [Source] |
Table: Notable U.S. judicial misconduct cases, by state and year. Each involved abuse of power, bias, or corruption; outcomes ranged from removals/resignations and overturned cases to criminal convictions (sources in references).
Other Major Judicial Corruption Scandals
Beyond racial bias, other large-scale judicial scandals have shaken public trust. In addition to Operation Greylord (IL, above) and Kids for Cash (PA), notable examples include:
- New Mexico, 2014: Federal prosecutors indicted former state District Judge Michael Romero for “selling justice.” Romero admitted dismissing charges in exchange for bribes. In 2019 he was sentenced to 10 years in prison.
- Pennsylvania, 2009: In Commonwealth v. Davis, a Montgomery County judge (Judge Joseph Maravich) was removed in 2006 for abusing juvenile defendants, but he was later indicted (2014) for helping a police informant enter deals; he pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice and served prison time. (This is a smaller case, but part of the pattern.)
- New York, 2018: Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver was convicted (though later overturned) of taking millions in bribes disguised as legal fees. (While not a judge, it underscores legislative-judicial corruption between politicians and attorneys.)
- Missouri, 2015: Circuit Judge John Palmer (St. Louis Co.) was removed after a Judicial Commission hearing found he made bigoted remarks on the bench (though no criminal charges).
- Nationwide Issues: A 2014 Reuters investigation found “thousands of U.S. judges who broke laws or oaths remained on the bench” with little accountability. The report noted judges rarely face formal discipline even after serious misconduct.
In many cases judges enjoy broad immunity. However, where criminality is proven (bribery, fraud, etc.), judges have been prosecuted. Official sources like DOJ press releases document dozens of such cases (for example, justice.gov press releases cited above). Investigative journalism (e.g. AP, Reuters, EJI, local news) also plays a key role in uncovering abuse.
GoVia: Modernizing Police Encounters
GoVia (pronounced “go-via”) is a Cincinnati-based social-enterprise initiative (branded “GoVia: Highlight A Hero”) that seeks to transform police-community interactions through technology. As described on its website and promotional materials, GoVia is a “Community Police Safety App” designed to build accountability and empathy during stops. It enables civilians to document encounters and connect in real time with legal aid and support. In the words of its LinkedIn profile: “Modernizing police encounters safely with [a] rating system [and] connections to supportive community resources.” . The goal is to prevent civil-rights abuses while fostering dialogue between law enforcement and the community. For example, GoVia plans features like live video-chat access to attorneys or mental-health counselors during a stop, real-time public “ratings” or affidavits on officers’ behavior, and geographic alerts of known high-risk officers.
GoVia’s founders position the app as addressing systemic flaws like qualified immunity. As they state on their site, GoVia “represents a paradigm shift in public safety—one where technology enables accountability, empathy, and justice. By addressing systemic flaws like qualified immunity and fostering global partnerships, [GoVia] offers a replicable model….” In short, GoVia’s mission is to flip the script: make every encounter an opportunity for a “good encounter for everyone,” rather than a liability. By combining end-user feedback, legal oversight, and supportive resources, the app aims to reduce profiling and brutality, “halt the prison pipeline,” and rebuild trust in communities of color.
A GoVia press piece describes the organization as a “civil rights organization leveraging real-time legal support during police interactions” to counter policies that favor police impunity. In practice, this means users could be alerted to their constitutional rights, automatically record traffic stops, and even summon a “trial-advocate” or community liaison before or during a stop. Early pilot programs (reported in local tech-news) have focused on cities with recent policing reforms (Cleveland, Columbus) where DoJ consent decrees or community outrage highlighted the need for innovation. GoVia is still in development and fundraising (seed estimates of ~$5M), but it represents an attempt to bring transparency technology (like police-bodycam review, public dashboards, legal hotlines) into everyday citizen hands.
A Justice-Reform Champion: Bryan Stevenson
Among the individuals leading the fight against systemic injustice in the courts is Bryan Stevenson, founder of the Equal Justice Initiative (EJI). Though not a prosecutor or politician, Stevenson has been a tireless advocate for fairness in sentencing and police accountability. His work documenting racial disparities – for example, highlighting that “1 in 3 Black male babies born today will go to jail in his lifetime” – underscores the same biases that GoVia aims to counteract. Stevenson’s EJI has secured reversals or relief for over 135 wrongfully condemned death-row inmates and has established educational memorials (e.g. the National Memorial for Peace and Justice) to confront historical injustice. In doing so, he challenges the status quo of the judicial system and calls for measures like ending life-without-parole for children or reforming police conduct rules.
Stevenson’s approach echoes GoVia’s mission in keyways: he emphasizes recognizing the humanity of marginalized defendants and building empathy in the legal process. GoVia similarly seeks to “wrap our arms around” communities by giving them tools and voice during police encounters. Both Stevenson and the GoVia founders respond to statistics of despair (e.g. poor Black youth expecting prison by age 21) with concrete remedies – whether legal advocacy or technology. In short, Stevenson’s crusade against “the worst kinds of injustice” parallels GoVia’s goal of making all police encounter fair and transparent.
In summary, these examples – from disgraced judges to bold reformers – highlight a long-standing crisis: unaccountable power on the bench and on the street. The cited cases (judges removed, convicted, or reprimanded) serve as concrete reminders of judicial bias and corruption. Initiatives like GoVia and the advocacy of figures like Bryan Stevenson strive to create checks and balances. Together, they underscore that justice reform requires both exposure of misconduct and innovation to prevent it, aligning technology with the legal principles of impartiality and civil rights.
Sources: A combination of investigative news and official records document each case (AP, Reuters, DOJ press releases, EJI, etc.). The GoVia descriptions come from the organization’s official site and statements, while Stevenson’s work is cited from EJI and his public statements. These sources provide the factual basis for the cases and initiatives discussed above.
